China's Xi to Host Putin, Modi at SCO Summit in Display of Unity
Beijing, August 26, 2025 — Chinese President Xi Jinping is preparing to welcome more than 20 world leaders to the northern port city of Tianjin for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit from August 31 to September 1. The gathering aims to showcase solidarity among Global South nations at a time of shifting geopolitical alliances and intensifying global rivalry, providing both symbolic and practical opportunities for leaders navigating an increasingly polarized international environment.
One of the central moments of the event will be the anticipated arrival of Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with the summit billed as the largest since the SCO’s establishment nearly a quarter of a century ago. For Beijing, the high-profile meeting is an opportunity to demonstrate that the political architecture of the 21st century is evolving beyond traditional Western-led frameworks.
Xi, Putin, and Modi: A Convergence of Strategic Interests
President Xi’s decision to extend high-profile invitations underlines China’s ambition to frame itself as a hub for regional diplomacy and a voice for developing nations. For Putin, whose administration remains under significant international sanctions linked to the war in Ukraine, the summit provides a critical platform to demonstrate that Moscow has not been diplomatically isolated. Meanwhile, Modi’s attendance — his first visit to China in over seven years — is intended as a measured but meaningful step to stabilize relations following the 2020 border clashes between Chinese and Indian soldiers in the Himalayas, which plunged ties between the two countries to their lowest level in decades.
The optics are crucial. Modi’s personal engagement with Xi and Putin in Tianjin signals India’s readiness to engage pragmatically with China and Russia, even as New Delhi maintains close defense and technology partnerships with the United States and Europe. The trilateral interactions being developed on the margins are set to attract significant attention, as they could reshape major power dynamics in Eurasia.
The SCO: From Security Bloc to Geopolitical Anchor
Established in 2001, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation originated as a forum to manage border security and counter-terrorism efforts among China, Russia, and Central Asian states. Over the years, the organization’s scope has expanded dramatically: today, it includes 10 permanent members — stretching from China and India to Pakistan and Iran — as well as 16 observer or dialogue partners, ranging across the Middle East, South Asia, and Southeast Asia.
The SCO’s scale and breadth make it one of the largest regional alliances in the modern world. While its ability to generate binding commitments has often been questioned, its importance lies in its symbolic and strategic function. It serves as a rare platform where political rivals — including India and Pakistan — sit across the same table with the shared language of cooperation, even when their bilateral disputes remain unresolved.
What makes this year's summit particularly notable is its timing. With growing trade disputes between Washington and major Asian economies, as well as widening divisions over conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, the SCO is emerging as a counterweight to Western-led alliances such as NATO and the G7.
India-China Relations: Fragile but Moving Forward
For many observers, Modi’s presence in Tianjin represents the clearest sign yet that India and China may be edging toward a sustained border détente after years of standoffs, high-altitude clashes, and escalating military deployments along their Himalayan frontier. Since 2020, both nations have engaged in multiple rounds of diplomatic and military talks, but progress has been fitful and uneven.
Recent developments, however, suggest the possibility of cautious improvement. After five years marked by strained communications and border tensions, trade between India and China has begun to rebound. The imposition of new U.S. tariffs on Indian exports this summer has inadvertently created fresh urgency for New Delhi to repair ties with Beijing. Indian policymakers have increasingly signaled that they are willing to compartmentalize the boundary dispute to pursue cooperation on areas such as climate change, technological innovation, and new trade corridors.
At the summit, India is expected to press for guarantees on sovereignty and territorial integrity, while also discussing practical measures like easier visa regimes, reduced border deployments, and expanded trade agreements. Analysts suggest that even incremental progress on these fronts would represent a significant achievement, marking a slow but potentially durable thaw.
Russia’s Interests: Breaking Isolation and Building Alternatives
For Moscow, Tianjin offers a pivotal stage to project relevance and resilience. Western sanctions have significantly constrained Russia’s access to global financial markets, energy technology, and advanced goods. Yet Russia maintains influence within non-Western platforms such as the SCO and BRICS.
With Putin remaining in China for a World War Two military parade following the summit — an unusually long overseas presence for the Russian leader — the visit underscores both the personal and political importance Moscow attaches to its partnership with Beijing. Russia also hopes that trilateral discussions with India and China can help open up fresh avenues for energy cooperation, currency swaps, and regional infrastructure projects.
While major breakthroughs are unlikely, the visual of Putin standing shoulder-to-shoulder with Xi and Modi provides Moscow with powerful diplomatic optics: proof that Russia retains an audience and allies beyond Western capitals.
Persistent Divisions Within the SCO
Despite the calls for unity, the SCO continues to reflect the complexities of a diverse membership. Long-running tensions between India and Pakistan have often hindered progress. At a defense ministers’ meeting in June, the group failed to issue a joint statement after India objected to the omission of a reference to the deadly April 22 attack on Hindu pilgrims in Kashmir — the worst such assault in decades.
India has also resisted initiatives that it perceives as undermining its independent foreign policy. In particular, New Delhi declined to support the SCO’s condemnation of Israeli strikes on Iran earlier this year, highlighting the sharp divergences that persist even within otherwise shared anti-Western narratives.
For these reasons, the SCO has historically excelled more in serving as a venue for political theater than as a mechanism for solving security crises. Its greatest achievements have been its ability to convene competing powers and to offer a platform for alternative voices in global diplomacy.
Economic and Regional Comparisons
The summit also plays into broader economic trends shaping Asia and beyond. Both China and India are navigating complex relationships with the U.S., where new tariff regimes and shifting trade patterns are complicating supply-chain strategies. Comparisons with regional frameworks are instructive: while organizations such as ASEAN have emphasized economic integration in Southeast Asia, the SCO is tilting more toward geopolitical signaling, combining limited trade initiatives with high-level security cooperation.
Still, the possibility of deeper infrastructure links across Eurasia remains significant. Through initiatives like China’s Belt and Road and Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union, SCO forums are increasingly used to align cross-border projects. India remains cautious, wary of investments that might infringe upon sovereignty or expand Beijing’s dominance. Yet Indian businesses see opportunities, particularly in technology, pharmaceuticals, renewable energy, and agricultural exports across Central Asia and the Middle East.
Symbolism Over Substance, But Symbolism Matters
Ultimately, expectations for concrete policy announcements at the Tianjin summit are modest. The SCO has rarely produced binding agreements that significantly alter economic or security realities. However, the symbolic value of the gathering should not be underestimated.
For Xi, hosting such a large and varied group of leaders emphasizes China’s role as a convener of the Global South. For Modi, it signals India’s readiness to balance its U.S. partnerships with an active role in regional Eurasian diplomacy. For Putin, it communicates resilience and continued relevance on the world stage despite Western efforts to isolate Moscow.
The images of united leaders marching together, seated in negotiations, and exchanging symbolic gestures are likely to resonate beyond policy specifics. They suggest the rise of an international order where Western dominance is increasingly balanced by coalitions led from Asia.
Looking Ahead
As the leaders assemble in Tianjin, the SCO finds itself at a pivotal moment. Born out of modest regional security cooperation in the early 2000s, it has evolved into one of the most expansive groupings outside of the Western sphere of influence. While chronic rivalries and diverse agendas limit its ability to act decisively, its real strength lies in its ability to project unity, narrative power, and alternative diplomatic pathways.
Whether the Tianjin summit delivers breakthrough agreements or simply produces striking images of togetherness, it underscores the shifting balance of international politics. As Xi, Putin, and Modi stand alongside leaders from Central Asia, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia, the message is clear: the Global South is becoming more assertive, more visible, and more willing to chart its own diplomatic course in the 21st century.
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